RWANDA
As nation reconciles with itself, a successful transition helps Rwanda recover from past wounds

Mr. Andre Bumaya



Interview with:

Mr. Andre Bumaya 


MINISTER of Foreign Affairs & Regional Cooperation

Contact Details:
Tel: +250 75339
Fax: +250 72904
E-mail: minafet1@rwanda1.com
12/4/02

Rwanda is located in the centre of the Great Lakes region, which is embattled in a 6-year-old conflict that has left millions of people dead. 6 countries have engaged in the conflict in the DRC, where Rwanda has deployed her troops, looking for those responsible for the genocide in '94. Today, the international Community calls upon Rwanda to withdraw her troops from Congo. Why is the international community putting so much pressure on Rwanda and what are the conditions for you to withdraw from Congo?


I should first of all thank your agency for having taken an interest in knowing how our country is faring, and how the overall situation is in the entire region. Regarding the war and the situation in our sub region within the Great Lakes, and more particularly the war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in which our country is militarily engaged, I would first of all like to give a brief account of the background to our presence in the DRC. The main objective we wanted to achieve is security; the security of our country first, and then the stability of the entire Great Lakes region. Our country was for a time dangerously threatened by genocide forces, namely interahamwe and the ex-FAR who planned and took part in the 1994 genocide in our country. They fled to the DRC from where they reorganized themselves to fight back and go ahead with their genocidal sprees. We could not therefore tolerate that kind of situation. These people were the genocide perpetrators who ought, in principle, to have been dealt with by the whole international community. The International Community did not fulfill its obligations in this particular regard, as a matter of fact. It failed to address that issue adequately, and the Rwandan people could not endlessly go on bearing the brunt of the International Community's failures.

Was the International Community capable of preventing all these atrocities?

Certainly yes; the International Community was capable of finding an adequate solution to that issue, if proper care had been taken. Unfortunately, though, we've got evidences indicating that some members of the International Community did indeed, directly or indirectly, contribute to the reorganization of genocide forces in "refugee camps" in the DRC. Those criminal groups on the run, who had literally taken refugees as hostages, kept on re-arming and training militarily under the refugee cover, right on our borders; and the International Community, which paid no attention to our Government's security concerns so often raised in this connection, kept on supplying them food and various other items in those camps.

I would like to add that the International Community was legally bound to deal with this problem, in the first place. What we are talking about here is genocide, and this is a capital crime against humanity, which must normally be addressed by the International Community. Nobody was keen on doing anything right from the outset. Nothing was attempted as to preventing or stopping genocide in Rwanda. We even had to press hard for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda to be created.

As a matter of fact, we faced an unprecedented and preposterous situation here: a massive and horrendous crime was carefully planned in no secret way, then it was overtly executed between April and July 1994, and the International Community just sat idly by, watching. The perpetrators of the crime escaped into the DRC, then known as "Zaire"; they reorganized themselves, trained and secured armaments to attack Rwanda. For a certain time, they indeed staged armed incursions into the country, killing some more people, and paralyzing economic activities within the country. Once we realized that the International Community was not prepared to handle the situation, we decided to attack the genocide perpetrators right where they were hiding, in their DRC rear bases. This was done jointly with the alliance of certain groups of Congolese citizens who were then disaffected with the dictatorial regime in their country.

The AFLD?

Yes, the AFDL led by late Laurent Kabila. We joined our efforts, and this allowed us to repatriate approximately 2 million Rwandans in the year 1996.They had been taken as hostages. And from that very situation, it became clear to us that some Congolese had the potential to contribute to the re-organization of their ruined country. We associated ourselves with them to help them go to the very end of their problem. A new Government was established in the DRC. Before long, though, the newly installed Kinshasa Government started conniving with the genocidal forces to destabilize our country. They started doing precisely what Mobutu's regime had done before them. We advised them to stop playing foul, but they wouldn't listen.

The situation was rather complex, how did you deal with it?

It is very difficult to explain; ordinarily when people join their efforts, they mean to achieve an objective. The objective for them was to overthrow Mobutu´s regime and nothing else mattered. The rest was no priority for them. For us (Rwandans), our objective was to neutralize the threat that hang about Rwanda and bring the perpetrators of genocide to the International Tribunal for Rwanda.

But the Congolese party's objective seemed to be elsewhere. We later realized that they had even decided to collaborate with the genocide suspects' soldiery, probably with the assistance and advice from some big world powers unknown to us. Well, they were Congolese, and they were in command in their own country; so, they had the freedom to run their own business the way they saw fit. Their country was in pieces and they were perhaps seeking international assistance. They probably struck a deal with genocide suspects in compliance with terms of assistance imposed upon them by some donors.

Congolese were interested in their power. And they did not have an army of their own; they probably feared that Rwanda would impose its will on them. Our intention was merely to collaborate with the regime in order to stabilize Congo and establish democracy. This was the only aspect that would have led us to achieving a definite solution of our security problems, posed precisely by the genocidal armed forces whose backbone was the Democratic Republic of Congo. But to our surprise, we came to realize that they were collaborating with those very people we had fought with. We therefore warned them against such an extraordinarily dangerous move, but to no avail. This was eventually a great loss on our part.

What happened afterwards?

In 1997-1998, we experienced a very intensive war at our border with the Democratic Republic of Congo, and that part of the country was totally cut off from the rest; and the occupying forces had their rear base in the DRC. It was true that some of our forces were in the Republic of Congo, but very far away. Our forces had been called upon to ensure security for the Government, which was established in Kinshasa, and to organize the new Congolese Army.

President Laurent Kabila's government kept on collaborating with the genocide forces infiltrating Rwanda to carry out gorilla warfare. Hence between 1996-1998, there was a fierce fighting within Rwandan provinces like Ruhengeri, Gisenyi, Cyangugu and Kibuye, all of which stretch along the borderline separating our country from the DRC. Various reports made by our intelligence indicated the presence of well-organized networks which transported these armed criminals from different locations deep inside the DRC, where they underwent military training. When they were through with their military training, they all converged onto the border between Rwanda and the DRC.

After having exhausted all the diplomatic and regional negotiations with other parties without success, we decided to embark on a military offensive. We took advantage of a political situation then prevailing in the DRC, namely the clash between RCD and AFDL. I may recall here that the original AFDL split into two conflicting factions, one of which kept the original name and remained headquartered in Kinshasa, while the other one, calling itself RCD, installed its headquarters in Goma, from where it launched a war against its Kinshasa rival, early August 1998. We told ourselves that this would permit us to associate ourselves with those people out there, so as to find a permanent solution to our security concerns. We then made an alliance with the RCD. We tried to organize at least the eastern part of the DRC, right from the moment we decided to launch the offensive war in coalition with RCD, in August 1998. And the war at our borders with the DRC curbed almost immediately, except for a few incursions, but generally speaking, the war came to an end.

We realized that it was time for us to call upon the International Community and the entire region. This was for them to see the real magnitude of the devastation that threatened our country. It is then that we provoked the Lusaka Negotiations in which we played a significant role, as we were the most interested in bringing peace to our region. In mid 1999, the Lusaka Peace Accord was signed, reflecting a certain compromise among the concerned parties. People hoped that this would result in lasting peace. Unfortunately, the Kinshasa Government didn't have the same vision.

Did you have the impression that the International Community was putting enough pressure to make all parties respect the Lusaka Peace Agreement?

What we request is that the problem of the criminal armed groups in the Congo be addressed so that we can withdraw our troops from the DRC once and for all. That is our condition. To achieve that, there are two ways. The first way is that the Congolese people should politically come to terms. Secondly, their country has to be politically stable. A new political dispensation has to be established in the DRC, since the present order has generated the problems we all know.
We therefore requested that room should be made for the Congolese people to negotiate a new political order. This will guarantee the country's stability and the security of neighboring countries. As far as we are concerned, when that problem of Interahamwe and the ex-FAR gets resolved, there won't be any reason for us to be in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Today, we are being requested to withdraw our troops from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We only ask these people clamoring for the withdrawal of Rwandan troops from the DRC, to give us guarantees that those Interahamwe and ex-FAR who committed genocide in our country will be dealt with by the International Community. We request a statement that shows how the problem of the ex-FAR and Interahamwe will be addressed. We are in any case ready to withdraw our troops from the DRC because it is not our country. We simply went there in search for security. We are there for security reasons and are ready to withdraw. But as long as those problems persist, it will be extremely difficult for us to withdraw our forces. That is very clear and we need to agree on that. I think that the International Community has failed to meet its responsibilities because the people we are talking about are genocide suspects. It certainly is the duty of the International Community to make sure that the genocide suspects are brought to justice. We then requested the International Community to take its responsibility and search for the presumed criminals. A solution to that issue is an imperative for Rwandan troops stationed in the DRC to be withdrawn. At any rate, we have no reason to be pessimistic, as there has been a certain measure of progress in the implementation of the Lusaka Peace Accords.
In a global manner the ceasefire has been desirably respected along the frontline. Rwanda unilaterally disengaged her forces up to 200 km behind the frontline. I may also say that there is a deployment of the MONUC. The United Nations forces are supposed to observe the implementation of the Lusaka Peace Accords. They are deployed in certain areas and we have requested for more. I personally think that there are some positive results.

What is making the Disarmament phase of Interahamwe so slow? Why is the International Community not more focused on helping contain the Interahamwe group?

Well, I wouldn't speculate on that. The United Nations Security Council is certainly in a better position to answer this interesting question of yours. You'll probably later on afford some time to ask them that, and please be kind enough to let us know their answer, if any. This is indeed an issue of great concern to us, and a solution thereto must of necessity be found in earnest, for peace and security to be restored in our sub region.

The Inter-Congolese dialogue has come up with two main blocks. Rwanda's backed RCD- Goma has been sidelined in a new power sharing treaty between the Kinshasa government and MLC group of Jean Pierre Bemba. What is the position of the Rwandan Government here?

Our position was made public through a press release. The clear part is that the dialogue has been launched and it has reached some positive results, some resolutions were unanimously adopted by different sides. All that remains is the establishment of transitional institutions. There are different parties that failed to agree. You have President Kabila and MLC Bemba who signed their own agreement, hoping that everyone was going to adhere to it. We had even expressed the wish that the agreement between Kabila and Bemba could be brought into plenary sessions, so as to give to participants to discuss it, amend it and eventually accept it. What we request is that the different parties reconvene and try to conclude what they had started, instead of having only two parties out of five which impose their will on the others. There was a suggestion made by President Mbeki on the 12th of April, which, according to us, could form the basis for discussions concerning the Congolese transition bodies, without preventing other amendments or suggestions from being considered. This has to be done by all participants within the inter-Congolese dialogue. There is on the other hand a formula proposed by the facilitator Masire, according to which not all the participants but only 5 representatives of each group could be invited to finish up the dialogue. We think this would certainly help.

The other group you refer to calls for the continuation of the dialogue. I wonder why the others remain obstinate in saying that the dialogue has been finalized. The facilitator himself declared that the dialogue was never brought to conclusion. It is the facilitator who should have come forward to tell the International Community that the inter-Congolese dialogue had ended; and he would then show the results. He hasn't done this yet; it is only the Government of Kinshasa and MLC who made those statements. These are only two parties out of the five represented at Sun City. In as far as we are concerned, that was simply a tricky approach to stall for time and this has always characterized the Kinshasa regime that has always wanted power for itself.

What do you think about the agreement signed between Bemba and Kabila?

The agreement signed between Bemba and Kabila is nothing other than a cabinet reshuffle. A Prime Minister was appointed and charged to put a new cabinet in place. It is in our view nothing more than a reshuffle in which Kabila recruits another person, Mr.Bemba.

I am convinced that it would be better if the inter-Congolese dialogue were reconvened and brought to its due conclusion according to Mr Masire's prescription. The only point they failed to agree on was power sharing; the establishment of transitional institutions is yet to be finalized, too. As for the rest, everything had been well accomplished. It would be unfortunate that such a good work done be lost due to the obstinacy of some individuals.

12 countries are members of the South African Development community (SADC), 3 countries are members of the East African Community (EAC). Rwanda has applied to join those 2 communities but has still not been accepted yet. What are the reasons causing those delays?

You have left out a very important regional belonging, which is COMESA. Rwanda is a member of COMESA. Rwanda has also been involved in several arrangements and agreements. As members of COMESA, we are able to benefit from good tariffs and a free market zone. There will be free circulation of goods and people. I believe that this is a very important grouping that cannot be neglected within the sub region and which also includes countries like Kenya, Egypt, Sudan, Uganda, Ethiopia, etc.

There are talks about that and we have to unite in order to discuss the elimination of terrifying barriers in the whole sub region, there is a big chance that the free circulation of goods may become a reality. I am confident that when barriers are eliminated within COMESA, it won't be long before a free market economy is realized. You will get more details from the Minister of Commerce who makes a daily follow-up of all this.

As far as SADC is concerned, it is true that we have expressed our intention to become a member of the Community, but it became evident that a moratorium was declared for a few years. This was done in order to reorganize internally before receiving new members. We got this information from the General Secretariat; we then contacted friendly member countries and the existence of a moratorium was confirmed. This is not something unusual, we can wait until our request is considered.

The moratorium lasts for two years and our application was registered last year. We hope to get our response next year. In the meantime, Rwanda is maintaining it's good relations with SADC member countries starting with South Africa, Malawi, Zambia, Mauritius etc. There are a number of South African companies operating in our country, and we stand a chance of enjoying many advantages once we become a member of SADC. I believe we will have to wait for just a short while.

Coming to the EAC, it should be noted that this was a tripartite organization at first. The original intention was to form a tripartite organization made up of countries which used to be members of the former East African Community. When we introduced the application in 1996-1997, they became conscious that some countries like Rwanda that belonged to the same region could adhere to the community. But we couldn't become a member of the community in the absence of relevant legal provisions. When they started working on the amendment of their constitution, some programs had already been started namely the customs union, which had not yet been concluded. They understandably decided not to accept new members before finalizing those institutional readjustments. This structural readjustment process might possibly go on for another one year; as soon as this process is over, we will hopefully be allowed membership.

How would you qualify your relations with the Ugandan Government?

We think our relations are good. There is always room for improvement, though. It is precisely on the basis of the good relations both Governments enjoy that we are currently joining our efforts to help the Congolese people thread their way through their political negotiations, with a view to bringing about a new political dispensation in the DRC. We've been both jointly trying, indeed, to secure a sound basis for peace, security and stability in our sub-region.

What kind of cooperation do you intend to establish with European countries to bring stability to the region?

Well, as of now, we should all join hands to ensure that the 1999 Lusaka Peace Agreement is adequately implemented, that the genocide ideology is out of the way in the sub region, and that the genocide suspects are brought to justice. Then, European countries, and the International Community at large, could bilaterally and multilaterally put a premium on supporting us in our efforts to build national communities along the lines of good governance, democracy and development.

You went last year on a visit to China. As you know, a great number of our readers are from Asia. What kind of bilateral relationship do you wish to create with China and perhaps Asia at a more global level?

We've developed good relations with Asia over the years. We currently enjoy excellent relations with China. China has contributed to a great number of activities in our country. For instance, we've got a cement factory that is managed by Chinese, and whose regional impact is very significant. China has also significantly contributed to building our road networks, and there are Chinese companies operating here. When the President of the Republic and I visited China last year, an important delegation of Rwandan businesswomen and men came along and met their Chinese counterparts. They'll soon be teaming up in joint ventures in the areas of industry and trade.

We also enjoy good relations with India and some other Asian countries. Four or five years ago, Rwanda sent more than four hundred students to Indian universities. Majority of them have already come back home with their science and technology degrees. We will certainly keep on consulting with our Asian partners to further strengthen our bilateral relations in areas such as trade, technology, human resource development and so forth.
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