Rwanda is located
in the centre of the Great Lakes region, which
is embattled in a 6-year-old conflict that has
left millions of people dead. 6 countries have
engaged in the conflict in the DRC, where Rwanda
has deployed her troops, looking for those responsible
for the genocide in '94. Today, the international
Community calls upon Rwanda to withdraw her troops
from Congo. Why is the international community
putting so much pressure on Rwanda and what are
the conditions for you to withdraw from Congo?
I should first of all thank your agency for having
taken an interest in knowing how our country is
faring, and how the overall situation is in the
entire region. Regarding the war and the situation
in our sub region within the Great Lakes, and
more particularly the war in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo in which our country is militarily
engaged, I would first of all like to give a brief
account of the background to our presence in the
DRC. The main objective we wanted to achieve is
security; the security of our country first, and
then the stability of the entire Great Lakes region.
Our country was for a time dangerously threatened
by genocide forces, namely interahamwe and the
ex-FAR who planned and took part in the 1994 genocide
in our country. They fled to the DRC from where
they reorganized themselves to fight back and
go ahead with their genocidal sprees. We could
not therefore tolerate that kind of situation.
These people were the genocide perpetrators who
ought, in principle, to have been dealt with by
the whole international community. The International
Community did not fulfill its obligations in this
particular regard, as a matter of fact. It failed
to address that issue adequately, and the Rwandan
people could not endlessly go on bearing the brunt
of the International Community's failures.
Was the International Community capable of
preventing all these atrocities?
Certainly yes; the International Community was
capable of finding an adequate solution to that
issue, if proper care had been taken. Unfortunately,
though, we've got evidences indicating that some
members of the International Community did indeed,
directly or indirectly, contribute to the reorganization
of genocide forces in "refugee camps"
in the DRC. Those criminal groups on the run,
who had literally taken refugees as hostages,
kept on re-arming and training militarily under
the refugee cover, right on our borders; and the
International Community, which paid no attention
to our Government's security concerns so often
raised in this connection, kept on supplying them
food and various other items in those camps.
I would like to add that the International Community
was legally bound to deal with this problem, in
the first place. What we are talking about here
is genocide, and this is a capital crime against
humanity, which must normally be addressed by
the International Community. Nobody was keen on
doing anything right from the outset. Nothing
was attempted as to preventing or stopping genocide
in Rwanda. We even had to press hard for the International
Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda to be created.
As a matter of fact, we faced an unprecedented
and preposterous situation here: a massive and
horrendous crime was carefully planned in no secret
way, then it was overtly executed between April
and July 1994, and the International Community
just sat idly by, watching. The perpetrators of
the crime escaped into the DRC, then known as
"Zaire"; they reorganized themselves,
trained and secured armaments to attack Rwanda.
For a certain time, they indeed staged armed incursions
into the country, killing some more people, and
paralyzing economic activities within the country.
Once we realized that the International Community
was not prepared to handle the situation, we decided
to attack the genocide perpetrators right where
they were hiding, in their DRC rear bases. This
was done jointly with the alliance of certain
groups of Congolese citizens who were then disaffected
with the dictatorial regime in their country.
The AFLD?
Yes, the AFDL led by late Laurent Kabila. We joined
our efforts, and this allowed us to repatriate
approximately 2 million Rwandans in the year 1996.They
had been taken as hostages. And from that very
situation, it became clear to us that some Congolese
had the potential to contribute to the re-organization
of their ruined country. We associated ourselves
with them to help them go to the very end of their
problem. A new Government was established in the
DRC. Before long, though, the newly installed
Kinshasa Government started conniving with the
genocidal forces to destabilize our country. They
started doing precisely what Mobutu's regime had
done before them. We advised them to stop playing
foul, but they wouldn't listen.
The situation was rather complex, how did you
deal with it?
It is very difficult to explain; ordinarily when
people join their efforts, they mean to achieve
an objective. The objective for them was to overthrow
Mobutu´s regime and nothing else mattered.
The rest was no priority for them. For us (Rwandans),
our objective was to neutralize the threat that
hang about Rwanda and bring the perpetrators of
genocide to the International Tribunal for Rwanda.
But the Congolese party's objective seemed to
be elsewhere. We later realized that they had
even decided to collaborate with the genocide
suspects' soldiery, probably with the assistance
and advice from some big world powers unknown
to us. Well, they were Congolese, and they were
in command in their own country; so, they had
the freedom to run their own business the way
they saw fit. Their country was in pieces and
they were perhaps seeking international assistance.
They probably struck a deal with genocide suspects
in compliance with terms of assistance imposed
upon them by some donors.
Congolese were interested in their power. And
they did not have an army of their own; they probably
feared that Rwanda would impose its will on them.
Our intention was merely to collaborate with the
regime in order to stabilize Congo and establish
democracy. This was the only aspect that would
have led us to achieving a definite solution of
our security problems, posed precisely by the
genocidal armed forces whose backbone was the
Democratic Republic of Congo. But to our surprise,
we came to realize that they were collaborating
with those very people we had fought with. We
therefore warned them against such an extraordinarily
dangerous move, but to no avail. This was eventually
a great loss on our part.
What happened afterwards?
In 1997-1998, we experienced a very intensive
war at our border with the Democratic Republic
of Congo, and that part of the country was totally
cut off from the rest; and the occupying forces
had their rear base in the DRC. It was true that
some of our forces were in the Republic of Congo,
but very far away. Our forces had been called
upon to ensure security for the Government, which
was established in Kinshasa, and to organize the
new Congolese Army.
President Laurent Kabila's government kept on
collaborating with the genocide forces infiltrating
Rwanda to carry out gorilla warfare. Hence between
1996-1998, there was a fierce fighting within
Rwandan provinces like Ruhengeri, Gisenyi, Cyangugu
and Kibuye, all of which stretch along the borderline
separating our country from the DRC. Various reports
made by our intelligence indicated the presence
of well-organized networks which transported these
armed criminals from different locations deep
inside the DRC, where they underwent military
training. When they were through with their military
training, they all converged onto the border between
Rwanda and the DRC.
After having exhausted all the diplomatic and
regional negotiations with other parties without
success, we decided to embark on a military offensive.
We took advantage of a political situation then
prevailing in the DRC, namely the clash between
RCD and AFDL. I may recall here that the original
AFDL split into two conflicting factions, one
of which kept the original name and remained headquartered
in Kinshasa, while the other one, calling itself
RCD, installed its headquarters in Goma, from
where it launched a war against its Kinshasa rival,
early August 1998. We told ourselves that this
would permit us to associate ourselves with those
people out there, so as to find a permanent solution
to our security concerns. We then made an alliance
with the RCD. We tried to organize at least the
eastern part of the DRC, right from the moment
we decided to launch the offensive war in coalition
with RCD, in August 1998. And the war at our borders
with the DRC curbed almost immediately, except
for a few incursions, but generally speaking,
the war came to an end.
We realized that it was time for us to call upon
the International Community and the entire region.
This was for them to see the real magnitude of
the devastation that threatened our country. It
is then that we provoked the Lusaka Negotiations
in which we played a significant role, as we were
the most interested in bringing peace to our region.
In mid 1999, the Lusaka Peace Accord was signed,
reflecting a certain compromise among the concerned
parties. People hoped that this would result in
lasting peace. Unfortunately, the Kinshasa Government
didn't have the same vision.
Did you have the impression that the International
Community was putting enough pressure to make
all parties respect the Lusaka Peace Agreement?
What we request is that the problem of the criminal
armed groups in the Congo be addressed so that
we can withdraw our troops from the DRC once and
for all. That is our condition. To achieve that,
there are two ways. The first way is that the
Congolese people should politically come to terms.
Secondly, their country has to be politically
stable. A new political dispensation has to be
established in the DRC, since the present order
has generated the problems we all know.
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We therefore
requested that room should be made for the Congolese
people to negotiate a new political order. This
will guarantee the country's stability and the security
of neighboring countries. As far as we are concerned,
when that problem of Interahamwe and the ex-FAR
gets resolved, there won't be any reason for us
to be in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Today,
we are being requested to withdraw our troops from
the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We only ask
these people clamoring for the withdrawal of Rwandan
troops from the DRC, to give us guarantees that
those Interahamwe and ex-FAR who committed genocide
in our country will be dealt with by the International
Community. We request a statement that shows how
the problem of the ex-FAR and Interahamwe will be
addressed. We are in any case ready to withdraw
our troops from the DRC because it is not our country.
We simply went there in search for security. We
are there for security reasons and are ready to
withdraw. But as long as those problems persist,
it will be extremely difficult for us to withdraw
our forces. That is very clear and we need to agree
on that. I think that the International Community
has failed to meet its responsibilities because
the people we are talking about are genocide suspects.
It certainly is the duty of the International Community
to make sure that the genocide suspects are brought
to justice. We then requested the International
Community to take its responsibility and search
for the presumed criminals. A solution to that issue
is an imperative for Rwandan troops stationed in
the DRC to be withdrawn. At any rate, we have no
reason to be pessimistic, as there has been a certain
measure of progress in the implementation of the
Lusaka Peace Accords.
In a global manner the ceasefire has been desirably
respected along the frontline. Rwanda unilaterally
disengaged her forces up to 200 km behind the frontline.
I may also say that there is a deployment of the
MONUC. The United Nations forces are supposed to
observe the implementation of the Lusaka Peace Accords.
They are deployed in certain areas and we have requested
for more. I personally think that there are some
positive results.
What is making the Disarmament phase of Interahamwe
so slow? Why is the International Community not
more focused on helping contain the Interahamwe
group?
Well, I wouldn't speculate on that. The United Nations
Security Council is certainly in a better position
to answer this interesting question of yours. You'll
probably later on afford some time to ask them that,
and please be kind enough to let us know their answer,
if any. This is indeed an issue of great concern
to us, and a solution thereto must of necessity
be found in earnest, for peace and security to be
restored in our sub region.
The Inter-Congolese dialogue has come up with
two main blocks. Rwanda's backed RCD- Goma has been
sidelined in a new power sharing treaty between
the Kinshasa government and MLC group of Jean Pierre
Bemba. What is the position of the Rwandan Government
here?
Our position was made public through a press release.
The clear part is that the dialogue has been launched
and it has reached some positive results, some resolutions
were unanimously adopted by different sides. All
that remains is the establishment of transitional
institutions. There are different parties that failed
to agree. You have President Kabila and MLC Bemba
who signed their own agreement, hoping that everyone
was going to adhere to it. We had even expressed
the wish that the agreement between Kabila and Bemba
could be brought into plenary sessions, so as to
give to participants to discuss it, amend it and
eventually accept it. What we request is that the
different parties reconvene and try to conclude
what they had started, instead of having only two
parties out of five which impose their will on the
others. There was a suggestion made by President
Mbeki on the 12th of April, which, according to
us, could form the basis for discussions concerning
the Congolese transition bodies, without preventing
other amendments or suggestions from being considered.
This has to be done by all participants within the
inter-Congolese dialogue. There is on the other
hand a formula proposed by the facilitator Masire,
according to which not all the participants but
only 5 representatives of each group could be invited
to finish up the dialogue. We think this would certainly
help.
The other group you refer to calls for the continuation
of the dialogue. I wonder why the others remain
obstinate in saying that the dialogue has been finalized.
The facilitator himself declared that the dialogue
was never brought to conclusion. It is the facilitator
who should have come forward to tell the International
Community that the inter-Congolese dialogue had
ended; and he would then show the results. He hasn't
done this yet; it is only the Government of Kinshasa
and MLC who made those statements. These are only
two parties out of the five represented at Sun City.
In as far as we are concerned, that was simply a
tricky approach to stall for time and this has always
characterized the Kinshasa regime that has always
wanted power for itself.
What do you think about the agreement signed
between Bemba and Kabila?
The agreement signed between Bemba and Kabila is
nothing other than a cabinet reshuffle. A Prime
Minister was appointed and charged to put a new
cabinet in place. It is in our view nothing more
than a reshuffle in which Kabila recruits another
person, Mr.Bemba.
I am convinced that it would be better if the inter-Congolese
dialogue were reconvened and brought to its due
conclusion according to Mr Masire's prescription.
The only point they failed to agree on was power
sharing; the establishment of transitional institutions
is yet to be finalized, too. As for the rest, everything
had been well accomplished. It would be unfortunate
that such a good work done be lost due to the obstinacy
of some individuals.
12 countries are members of the South African
Development community (SADC), 3 countries are members
of the East African Community (EAC). Rwanda has
applied to join those 2 communities but has still
not been accepted yet. What are the reasons causing
those delays?
You have left out a very important regional belonging,
which is COMESA. Rwanda is a member of COMESA. Rwanda
has also been involved in several arrangements and
agreements. As members of COMESA, we are able to
benefit from good tariffs and a free market zone.
There will be free circulation of goods and people.
I believe that this is a very important grouping
that cannot be neglected within the sub region and
which also includes countries like Kenya, Egypt,
Sudan, Uganda, Ethiopia, etc.
There are talks about that and we have to unite
in order to discuss the elimination of terrifying
barriers in the whole sub region, there is a big
chance that the free circulation of goods may become
a reality. I am confident that when barriers are
eliminated within COMESA, it won't be long before
a free market economy is realized. You will get
more details from the Minister of Commerce who makes
a daily follow-up of all this.
As far as SADC is concerned, it is true that we
have expressed our intention to become a member
of the Community, but it became evident that a moratorium
was declared for a few years. This was done in order
to reorganize internally before receiving new members.
We got this information from the General Secretariat;
we then contacted friendly member countries and
the existence of a moratorium was confirmed. This
is not something unusual, we can wait until our
request is considered.
The moratorium lasts for two years and our application
was registered last year. We hope to get our response
next year. In the meantime, Rwanda is maintaining
it's good relations with SADC member countries starting
with South Africa, Malawi, Zambia, Mauritius etc.
There are a number of South African companies operating
in our country, and we stand a chance of enjoying
many advantages once we become a member of SADC.
I believe we will have to wait for just a short
while.
Coming to the EAC, it should be noted that this
was a tripartite organization at first. The original
intention was to form a tripartite organization
made up of countries which used to be members of
the former East African Community. When we introduced
the application in 1996-1997, they became conscious
that some countries like Rwanda that belonged to
the same region could adhere to the community. But
we couldn't become a member of the community in
the absence of relevant legal provisions. When they
started working on the amendment of their constitution,
some programs had already been started namely the
customs union, which had not yet been concluded.
They understandably decided not to accept new members
before finalizing those institutional readjustments.
This structural readjustment process might possibly
go on for another one year; as soon as this process
is over, we will hopefully be allowed membership.
How would you qualify your relations with the
Ugandan Government?
We think our relations are good. There is always
room for improvement, though. It is precisely on
the basis of the good relations both Governments
enjoy that we are currently joining our efforts
to help the Congolese people thread their way through
their political negotiations, with a view to bringing
about a new political dispensation in the DRC. We've
been both jointly trying, indeed, to secure a sound
basis for peace, security and stability in our sub-region.
What kind of cooperation do you intend to establish
with European countries to bring stability to the
region?
Well, as of now, we should all join hands to ensure
that the 1999 Lusaka Peace Agreement is adequately
implemented, that the genocide ideology is out of
the way in the sub region, and that the genocide
suspects are brought to justice. Then, European
countries, and the International Community at large,
could bilaterally and multilaterally put a premium
on supporting us in our efforts to build national
communities along the lines of good governance,
democracy and development.
You went last year on a visit to China. As you
know, a great number of our readers are from Asia.
What kind of bilateral relationship do you wish
to create with China and perhaps Asia at a more
global level?
We've developed good relations with Asia over the
years. We currently enjoy excellent relations with
China. China has contributed to a great number of
activities in our country. For instance, we've got
a cement factory that is managed by Chinese, and
whose regional impact is very significant. China
has also significantly contributed to building our
road networks, and there are Chinese companies operating
here. When the President of the Republic and I visited
China last year, an important delegation of Rwandan
businesswomen and men came along and met their Chinese
counterparts. They'll soon be teaming up in joint
ventures in the areas of industry and trade.
We also enjoy good relations with India and some
other Asian countries. Four or five years ago, Rwanda
sent more than four hundred students to Indian universities.
Majority of them have already come back home with
their science and technology degrees. We will certainly
keep on consulting with our Asian partners to further
strengthen our bilateral relations in areas such
as trade, technology, human resource development
and so forth. |